[Opinion/Analysis] Rafale and Indian Art of Defence Purchases

• The decision to buy 36 Rafale fighters exposes the complexinstitutional mechanisms in defence procurement.

• Three broad conclusions were immediately drawn by strategic analysts, when the Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, during his recent three nation tour (including France), asked the French President to consider supplying 36 Rafale fighters through government-to-government (G-to-G) route to India. First, such a decision was surprisingly puzzling because a larger 126 MMRCA tender process is still underway in technical terms, in which Rafale is the L1 (lowest bidder, technically-qualified). Second, a G-to-G supply will negatively impact the much publicized ‘Make in India’ effort as neither offsets obligations nor transfer of technology would be binding in this new deal. And third, such G-to-G contracts, more of which are likely in near future as stated by the Indian Defence Minister in response to the Rafale decision, would probably be a preferred choice for strategic systems purchases.

• In sum, the decision, as argued by many experts, appears to be ill-timed, ill-advised and certainly ill-calculated. On the contrary, some analysts and industry watchers have argued that the announcement connotes decisiveness at the politico-bureaucratic executive level and it may not jeopardize the larger ‘indigenization’ effort as it is just another one-off deal.

• There are some merits in both arguments, although critics appear to outnumber defenders in this case. It is not my intention to question the wisdom of either the government or commentators. As a student of strategic affairs, I am supposed to relate fundamentals of defence purchases to the deal in question and place reasonable assumptions for further debate and consideration. I advance a set of three pointers: a) the G-to-G Rafale purchase decision appears to be a decisive politico-bureaucratic choice with objective and strategic considerations; b) the decision may negatively impact ‘indigenization’ efforts in the short run, only if future big-ticket items follow competitive bidding routes; and c) the decision exposes institutional weaknesses in defence procurement processes.

• First, absence of transparency in defence procurement often leads to surprise announcements that often times embeds political considerations. Examples exist where recipients have reserved, reversed or taken altogether new decisions in arms procurements. Rafale’s exports history stands as a testimony to fluctuating decisions by buyers / potential buyers like Canada, Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, UAE, Malaysia, Brazil, Singapore and others. The fundamental principle of arms trade is that the supplier is always at the mercy of the recipient – hence employment of lobbies or well-timed visits of high profile political leaders to recipient countries during times of negotiations. Because arms purchase decisions are more politico-bureaucratic than economic or technology driven, specific deals will invariably have broader political considerations by the recipient. Seen from this prism, the decision on Rafale by India appears to be politico-bureaucratic driven – both objectively as well as strategically. Objective considerations would necessitate a decision on a long pending complex deal (126 MMRCA) that has gone nowhere, thus impinging negatively on the modernization process of the IAF. This required resolute political decision, which incidentally was linked to the Prime Minister’s visit to France. Strategically, the decision is intertwined with the larger Indo-French bilateral relations where spin off benefits could come from other sectors like civil nuclear cooperation and technology driven business domains. Interestingly, larger strategic interest convergences between India and France was one of the major factors in the 126 MMRCA selection process as well. In any case, the Indian Defence Procurement Procedure (hereafter, DPP) has provisions for such decisions under ‘fast track procedure’ and ‘strategic considerations’ whereby a particular deal can bypass DPP.

• Second, although details of the new 36 Rafale purchase are yet to emerge, one can reasonably argue that the deal in all certainty will neither have ‘offsets’ or technology transfer obligations. This has prompted many to argue that G-to-G deals will negatively impact the ‘make in India’ efforts in defence production. This is true for the 36 Rafale sale only. If more big ticket items in future follow the same G-to-G procurement route, then it will definitely bring in much disappointment for the Indian industry as there would be less indigenization efforts because of lack of orders and incentives. The Defence Minister’s recent statement that ‘G-to-G route is better than competitive route’ or ‘more strategic choices would be considered through G-to-G route’ needs to be examined closely. He is merely stating a fact on the former, which may or may not necessarily conform to all elements of DPP. It is not clear as to what he actually intends to state in the latter observation. If his intent is to buy only strategic systems through G-to-G route, then it is fine. Most analysts do not realize that this is embedded in the ‘strategic considerations’ and ‘buy global’ sections of DPP. India can waive L1 and even bypass normal procedural routes, if it feels that acquisition of a particular system could benefit it in strategic terms. In this case, a particular choice becomes subjective. ‘Buy Global’ choice permits the decision makers to opt for a system or technology, which are not available within India. Rafale may fall into the category of ‘strategic considerations’, but it is certainly not a ‘buy global’ choice. It can be argued that Rafale deal may jolt the aspirations of Indian industry for the short term, but if such decisions are avoided in future and more and more defence contracts go through competitive bidding process, then defence indigenization and industrialization process can bounce back from the current position. This requires careful planning and resolute political decision.

• Last but most important, the new Rafale choice has dealt a severe blow to the on-going 126 MMRCA tender process in many ways – not only has it exposed the inherent procedural weaknesses in the DPP but more importantly put a question mark on the negotiating capabilities of the Indian side. Political indecisiveness is also evident in the whole process. Consider these: a) the 126 MMRCA was conceived after much deliberations during the end of the then NDA tenure in 2004 (which actually means that the necessity must have been contemplated at least since the late 1990s); b) it took the UPA government more than 3 years to issue RFI (request for information); the vendors sought more than normal time allotted to respond to the RFP (request for proposal) by late 2009; the stage from RFP to culmination of technical evaluation (tests in high altitude, desert and plain conditions by six competing vendors) took nearly 3 years (2012); the commercial (including offsets, ToT, life cycle costs and others) negotiations have already taken more than 3 years with no definitive results in sight as of today! If this is not enough, three more committees have been added to the existing half a dozen multi-disciplinary committees to evaluate elements of DPP, constitution and inclusion of which have been taken up during the so-called review and refinement process of DPP (DPP has been revised ten times in a span of 13 years since 2002, with one more revision coming any time by the end of this year). With no clarity on offsets, ToT, life cycle costs and contract negotiation processes, contained within RFP issued to the vendors, and all such provisions subject to negotiations, the ultimate scenario is: the vendors and their negotiators are as clueless as their counterparts from the Indian side (the MoD mandarin and representatives of the end-user IAF). It is not for nothing that the 126 MMRCA process has led to further confusion and thus forced the decision makers to opt for an altogether new decision.

• At the heart of the problem lies a vaguely worded, often overlapping, relatively unclear and horrendously lengthy procedural arrangement called DPP. 36 Rafale decision would not have happened if DPP had addressed procedural complexities.

Written by: DEBA RANJAN MOHANTY
Source: sspconline.org

All you need to know about Earthquakes (Nepal Updates)

For Recent Nepal Earthquake Updates [Part 1-26/04]: Click Here
For Recent Nepal Earthquake Updates [Part 2-12/05]: Click Here

What is an earthquake?

• An earthquake is what happens when two blocks of the earth suddenly slip past one another. The surface where they slip is called the fault or fault plane. 

• The location below the earth’s surface where the earthquake starts is called the hypocenter, and the location directly above it on the surface of the earth is called the epicenter.

• Sometimes an earthquake has foreshocks. These are smaller earthquakes that happen in the same place as the larger earthquake that follows. Scientists can’t tell that an earthquake is a foreshock until the larger earthquake happens.

• The largest, main earthquake is called the mainshock. Mainshocks always have after shocks that follow. These are smaller earthquakes that occur afterwards in the same place as the mainshock. Depending on the size of the mainshock, aftershocks can continue for weeks, months, and even years after the mainshock!

What causes earthquakes and where do they happen?

• The earth has four major layers: the inner core, outer core, mantle and crust. 

• The crust (Fig.2) and the top of the mantle make up a thin skin on the surface of our planet. But this skin is not all in one piece – it is made up of many pieces like a puzzle covering the surface of the earth. 

• Not only that ((Fig. 3) ), but these puzzle pieces keep slowly moving around, sliding past one another and bumping into each other. We call these puzzle piecestectonic plates, and the edges of the plates are called the plate boundaries.

• The plate boundaries are made up of many faults, and most of the earthquakes around the world occur on these faults. Since the edges of the plates are rough, they get stuck while the rest of the plate keeps moving.

• Finally, when the plate has moved far enough, the edges unstick on one of the faults and there is an earthquake.

Why does the earth shake when there is an earthquake?

• While the edges of faults are stuck together, and the rest of the block is moving, the energy that would normally cause the blocks to slide past one another is being stored up.

• When the force of the moving blocks finally overcomes the friction of the jagged edges of the fault and it unsticks, all that stored up energy is released.

• The energy radiates outward from the fault in all directions in the form of seismic waves like ripples on a pond. The seismic waves shake the earth as they move through it, and when the waves reach the earth’s surface, they shake the ground and anything on it, like our houses and us! (see P&S Wave inset)

How are earthquakes recorded?

• Earthquakes are recorded by instruments called seismographs. The recording they make is called a seismogram.

• The seismograph (Fig. 4) has a base that sets firmly in the ground, and a heavy weight that hangs free. When an earthquake causes the ground to shake, the base of the seismograph shakes too, but the hanging weight does not. Instead the spring or string that it is hanging from absorbs all the movement. The difference in position between the shaking part of the seismograph and the motionless part is what is recorded.

How do scientists measure the size of earthquakes?

The size of an earthquake depends on the size of the fault and the amount of slip on the fault, but that’s not something scientists can simply measure with a measuring tape since faults are many kilometers deep beneath the earth’s surface.

So how do they measure an earthquake?

• They use the seismogram recordings made on the seismographs at the surface of the earth to determine how large the earthquake was (Fig. 5).

• A short wiggly line that doesn’t wiggle very much means a small earthquake, and a long wiggly line that wiggles a lot means a large earthquake. The length of the wiggle depends on the size of the fault, and the size of the wiggle depends on the amount of slip.

The size of the earthquake is called its magnitude. There is one magnitude for each earthquake. Scientists also talk about the intensity of shaking from an earthquake, and this varies depending on where you are during the earthquake.

How can scientists tell where the earthquake happened?

(For more about P waves and S waves: Click Here)

• Seismograms come in handy for locating earthquakes too, and being able to see the P wave and the S wave is important. You learned how P & S waves each shake the ground in different ways as they travel through it.

• P waves are also faster than S waves, and this fact is what allows us to tell where an earthquake was.

• To understand how this works, let’s compare P and S waves to lightning and thunder. Light travels faster than sound, so during a thunderstorm you will first see the lightning and then you will hear the thunder. If you are close to the lightning, the thunder will boom right after the lightning, but if you are far away from the lightning, you can count several seconds before you hear the thunder. The further you are from the storm, the longer it will take between the lightning and the thunder.

• P waves are like the lightning, and S waves are like the thunder. The P waves travel faster and shake the ground where you are first. Then the S waves follow and shake the ground also. If you are close to the earthquake, the P and S wave will come one right after the other, but if you are far away, there will be more time between the two. By looking at the amount of time between the P and S wave on a seismogram recorded on a seismograph, scientists can tell how far away the earthquake was from that location. However, they can’t tell in what direction from the seismograph the earthquake was, only how far away it was. If they draw a circle on a map around the station where the radius of the circle is the determined distance to the earthquake, they know the earthquake lies somewhere on the circle. But where?

• Scientists then use a method called triangulation to determine exactly where the earthquake was (Fig. 6). It is called triangulation because a triangle has three sides, and it takes three seismographs to locate an earthquake. 

• If you draw a circle on a map around three different seismographs where the radius of each is the distance from that station to the earthquake, the intersection of those three circles is the epicenter!

How are quakes classified?

Based on their magnitude, quakes are assigned to a class. An increase in one number, say from 5.5 to 6.5, means that a quake's magnitude is 10 times as great. The classes are as follows:

• Great: Magnitude is greater than or equal to 8.0. A magnitude-8.0 earthquake is capable of tremendous damage.
• Major: Magnitude in the rage of 7.0 to 7.9. A magnitude-7.0 earthquake is a major earthquake that is capable of widespread, heavy damage.
• Strong: Magnitude in the rage of 6.0 to 6.9. A magnitude-6.0 quake can cause severe damage.
• Moderate: Magnitude in the rage of 5.0 to 5.9. A magnitude-5.0 quake can cause considerable damage.
• Light: Magnitude in the rage of 4.0 to 4.9. A magnitude-4.0 quake is capable of moderate damage.
• Minor: Magnitude in the rage of 3.0 to 3.9.
• Micro: Magnitude less than-3.0. Quakes between 2.5 and 3.0 are the smallest generally felt by people.

After an earthquake strikes, its magnitude is continuously revised as time passes and more stations report their seismic readings. Several days can pass before a final number is agreed upon.

What are the seismic zones of India?

• The Geological Survey of India (GSI.) first published the seismic zoning map of the country in the year 1935.

• With numerous modifications made afterwards, this map was initially based on the amount of damage suffered by the different regions of India because of earthquakes.

• Color coded in different shades of the color red, this map shows the four distinct seismic zones of India. Following are the varied seismic zones of the nation, which are prominently shown in the map:

Zone - II: This is said to be the least active seismic zone
Zone - III: It is included in the moderate seismic zone
Zone - IV: This is considered to be the high seismic zone
Zone - V: It is the highest seismic zone

Can scientists predict earthquakes?

• No, and it is unlikely they will ever be able to predict them. Scientists have tried many different ways of predicting earthquakes, but none have been successful. On any particular fault, scientists know there will be another earthquake sometime in the future, but they have no way of telling when it will happen.

• First, a statistical study of historical earthquakes in a given region shows how frequent quakes of various magnitudes have been in the past. From those figures, they can guess how likely future quakes will be. For example, if a certain region has been struck by four magnitude 7 quakes in the last 200 years, seismologists would say there is a 50 per cent probability of another such quake occurring in the next 50 years.

• Seismologists can also measure how much stress a certain region of the earth's crust is under, and how quickly that stress is increasing. That knowledge, along with the elapsed time since the last earthquake, helps scientists determine if another earthquake is on the way. This method is far from perfect, though, and requires extremely detailed seismological data, which simply isn't available for most regions.

Is there such a thing as earthquake weather? Can some animals or people tell when an earthquake is about to hit?

• These are two questions that do not yet have definite answers. If weather does affect earthquake occurrence, or if some animals or people can tell when an earthquake is coming, we do not yet understand how it works.

Major Earthquakes (1976-2015 Till now dates):

Date	Location	Magnitude	Estimated number of deaths
April 25,  2015	Nepal (Easten Pokhara & Kathmandu)	7.9	1600+
April 16,  2013	Iran	7.7	40
Sept. 5, 2012	Costa Rica	7.9	Tsunami alert
Aug. 31, 2012	Philippines	7.6	1
Aug. 11, 2012	Northwestern Iran	6.4 and 6.3	306
April 11,  2012	Indian Ocean	8.6	Tsunami alert issued, no major damage
Oct. 23, 2011	Turkey	7.2	603
April 7, 2011	Japan	7.1	3
March 11,  2011	Japan	9.0	Approx. 16,000 (9,000 missing)
Feb. 27, 2010	Chile	8.8	At least 700
Jan. 13, 2010	Haiti	7.0	85,000 to 316,000 (gov't estimate)
Sept. 30, 2009	Near Padang, Indonesia	7.6	1,110
April 6, 2009	Near L'Aquila, Italy	6.3	283
May 12, 2008	Sichuan province, southwest China	7.8	More than 80,000
May 27, 2006	Java, Indonesia	6.3	5,135
Oct. 8, 2005	Pakistan-administered Kashmir	7.6	80,000
March 29,  2005	Indonesia	8.7	1,000
Dec. 26, 2004	Off the coast of Indonesia	9.0	230,000 (includes tsunami victims)
Dec. 26, 2003	Bam, Iran	6.6	26,271
Jan 26, 2001	Gujarat, India	7.7	20,000
June 21, 1990	Iran	7.7	35,000
Dec. 7, 1988	Armenia	6.9	At least 25,000
Sept. 19,  1985	Mexico	8.1	9,500
Sept. 16,  1978	Iran	7.5 to 7.9	15,000
July 28, 1976	China	7.8 to 8.2	242,000
Feb. 4, 1976	Guatemala	7.5	At least 23,000

U also like to see Earthquake Science Explained by USGS: Click Here

Source: usgs.gov, wikipedia.org

Notes on Regulatory Bodies – SEBI, IRDA, CCI, TRAI

Securities and Exchange Board of India (SEBI)

The Securities and Exchange Board of India (SEBI) is the regulator for securities market in India. It was established on 12th April 1992 through the SEBI Act, 1992. SEBI has to be responsive to the needs of three groups, which constitute the market: the issuers of securities; the investors; the market intermediaries.

Powers: For the discharge of its functions efficiently, SEBI has been vested with the following powers:

• To approve by-laws of stock exchanges
• To require the stock exchanges to amend their by-laws.
• Inspect the books of accounts and call for periodical returns from recognized stock exchanges.
• Inspect the books of accounts of financial intermediaries.
• Compel certain companies to list their shares in one or more stock exchanges.
• Levy fees and other charges on the intermediaries for performing its functions.
• Grant license to any person for the purpose of dealing in certain areas.
• Delegate powers exercisable by it.
• Prosecute and judge directly the violation of certain provisions of the companies Act.
• Power to impose monetary penalties.

An Appraisal: Successful cases of grievance redressal by SEBI have been rising rapidly. However, a survey shows that most of the investors find the redresser ineffective. Moreover, SEBI is not able to do much about ‘fly by night’ or ‘sign-board’ companies who vanish after collecting huge money. SEBI has been too busy in framing rules and regulation giving rise to complex and cumbersome framework, which leaves scope for discretionary interpretation. It failed to punish those who caused abnormal fluctuations in the market. Due to this, small investors are losing confidence in investing. The autonomy of SEBI has been compromised as it, more or less, functions as a branch of the Union Finance Ministry.

Insurance Regulatory and Development Authority (IRDA)
Insurance Regulatory and Development Authority (IRDA) is an autonomous apex statutory body, which regulates and develops the insurance industry in India. It was constituted by Insurance Regulatory and Development Authority Act, 1999.
Powers and functions:

• Issue to the applicant a certificate of registration and suspend or cancel such registration;
• Protection of the interests of the policy holders in matters concerning assigning of policy, nomination by policy holders, insurable interest, settlement of insurance claim, surrender value of policy and other terms and conditions of contracts of insurance;
• Specifying requisite qualifications, code of conduct and practical training for intermediary or insurance intermediaries and agents;
• Promoting efficiency in the conduct of insurance business;
• Calling for information from, undertaking inspection of, conducting enquiries and investigations including audit of the insurers, intermediaries, insurance intermediaries and other organizations connected with the insurance business;
• Control and regulation of the rates, advantages, terms and conditions that may be offered by insurers in respect of general insurance business not so controlled and regulated by the Tariff Advisory Committee;
• Regulating investment of funds by insurance companies;
• Adjudication of disputes between insurers and intermediaries or insurance intermediaries.

Competition Commission of India (CCI)

Competition Commission of India is a body of the Government of India responsible for enforcing the Competition Act, 2002 throughout India and to prevent activities that have an adverse effect on competition in India. The Competition Act, 2002, as amended by the Competition (Amendment) Act, 2007, follows the philosophy of modern competition laws. The Act prohibits anti-competitive agreements, abuse of dominant position by enterprises and regulates combinations (acquisition, acquiring of control and Merger and acquisition), which causes or are likely to cause an appreciable adverse effect on competition within India.
Function and Responsibilities:

• Make the markets work for the benefit and welfare of consumers.
• Ensure fair and healthy competition in economic activities in the country for faster and inclusive growth and development of economy.
• Implement competition policies with an aim to effectuate the most efficient utilization of economic resources.
• Develop and nurture effective relations and interactions with sectoral regulators to ensure smooth alignment of sectoral regulatory laws in tandem with the competition law.
• Effectively carry out competition advocacy and spread the information on benefits of competition among all stakeholders to establish and nurture competition culture in Indian economy.

Telecom Regulatory Authority of India (TRAI)
The Telecom Regulatory Authority of India (TRAI) is the independent regulator of the telecommunications business in India.
Powers and Functions:

• Recommend the need and timing for introduction of new service provider;
• Recommend the terms and conditions of licence to a service provider;
• Ensure technical compatibility and effective inter-connection between different service providers;
• Ensure compliance of terms and conditions of licence;
• Facilitate competition and promote efficiency in the operation of telecommunication services so as to facilitate growth in such services;
• Protect the interest of the consumers of telecommunication service;
• Inspect the equipment used in the network and recommend the type of equipment to be used by the service providers;
• Settle disputes between service providers.

What is difference between constitutional, statutory, extra constitutional, non constitutional bodies?

Constitutional Bodies:

• Framed by (and mentioned) Constitution
• Can not be abolished without consent of the states
• Helps in performing specific functions or duties
• Can be of both permanent or non-permanent type
• Example: Election Commission of India, Union Public Service Commission (UPSC), Finance Commission etc

Statutory Bodies:

• Set up by law which is authorized to enforce legislation on behalf of the relevant country or state
• Mostly found in parliamentary type of government
• Is not defined in the constitution
• Example: National Human Rights Commission, National Commission for Women etc.

Extra Constitutional:

• Established by a resolution (decision) of union cabinet
• Not defined in Constitution of India

Non constitutional:

• Not found in constitution of a country.
• Statutory body can also be called as a non-constitutional body
• Example: NDC, NHRC, CIC etc.

सफलता के बीज मंत्र (Pravachan : Just for Motivation)

महात्मा नित्यानंद ने अपने शिष्यों को बाँस से बनी बाल्टियां पकड़ाकर कहा : जाओ, इन बाल्टियों में नदी से जल भर लाओ। आश्रम में सफाई करनी है। नित्यानंद की इस विचित्र आज्ञा को सुनकर सभी शिष्य आश्चर्यचकित रह गए। भला बाँस से बनी बाल्टियों में जल कैसे लाया जा सकता था! फिर भी, सभी शिष्यों ने बाल्टियां उठाईं और जल लेने नदी तट की ओर चल दिए। वे जब बाल्टियां भरते, तो सारा जल निकल जाता था। 

अंतत: निराश होकर एक को छोड़कर सभी शिष्य लौट आए और महात्मा नित्यानंद से अपनी दुविधा बता दी। लेकिन, एक शिष्य बराबर जल भरता रहा। जल रिस जाता तो पुन: भरने लगता। शाम होने तक वह इसी प्रकार श्रम करता रहा। इसका परिणाम यह हुआ कि बाँस की शलाकाएं फूल गईं और छिद्र बंद हो गए। तब वह बड़ा प्रसन्न हुआ और उस बाल्टी में जल भरकर गुरुजी के पास पहुँचा। जल से भरी बाल्टी लाते देख महात्मा नित्यानंद ने उसे शाबाशी दी और अन्य शिष्यों को संबोधित करते हुए कहा,..

“विवेक, धैर्य, निष्ठा व सतत् परिश्रम से दुर्गम कार्य को भी सुगम बनाया जा सकता है।

सफलता कोई ऐसी वस्तु नहीं है कि आपने माँगा या चाहा और आपको मिल गई। इसे तुंरत प्रस्तुत नहीं किया जा सकता, इसमें लगातार परिश्रम करना होगा। एक कठिन परिश्रमी व्यक्ति ही सफलता पाता है, और अपने कारण पाता है, दूसरों के कारण नहीं। इसीलिए सफल व्यक्ति याद किए जाते हैं।

किसी भी कार्य को पूरी तरह करने के लिए कुशलता के साथ कार्य की निरन्तरता भी आवश्यक होती है। ऐसा नहीं करना चाहिए कि आज किया, फ़िर कुछ दिन आराम करें, फ़िर करें। ऐसा करने से कार्य तो रुकता ही है, वह ठीक तरह से होता भी नहीं क्योंकि एकाग्रता भंग होती है। मन उतना नहीं लगता जितनी उस कार्य को जरुरत होती है, और सफलता भी रुक जाती है, आपके साथी आपसे आगे हो जाते हैं। इसलिए अपने काम को एक रफ़्तार देनी होगी तभी सफलता प्राप्त होगी, आवश्यक समय और प्रयास निरंतर देना होगा।

श्री कृष्ण ने गीता में कहा है- संशयात्मा विनश्यति! अर्थात- जिसमें संशय हो उसका विकास नही होता।

किसी काम को करने के पहले अगर मन में दो तरह के विचार रहते हैं कि करें या न करें, इसे करने से लाभ होगा या नहीं, मन की यह स्थिति असफलता की तरफ़ ले जाती है। काम के पूरा होने से पहले फल की कल्पना करना और कामना करना ग़लत है, ऐसा करने से कर्म करने की कुशलता घट जाती है क्योंकि मन संदेह के घेरे में रहता है। पूरी तरह मन को एकाग्र करके कर्म करने से काम तो कुशलता से होता ही है फल भी अवश्य अच्छा आता है।

याद रखिये जीवन में अपना विवेक ही अपना सच्चा साथी है। अपनी बुद्धि श्रेष्ठ हो, इसका प्रयत्न हमेशा करना चाहिए क्योंकि बुद्धि के द्वारा सब कुछ जीता जा सकता है और सब कुछ पाया जा सकता है।”

Notes on article 370

Article 370 was worked out in late 1947 between Sheikh Abdullah, who had by then been appointed Prime Minister of J&K by the Maharaja of j&k and Nehru, who kept the Kashmir portfolio with himself and kept Sardar Patel, the home minister, away from his legitimate function. Hence Nehru is answerable to all acts of commission and comission, consequences of which we are suffering till date as far as J&K is concerned.

History of Article 370

• The provision was drafted in 1947 by Sheikh Abdullah, who had by then been appointed prime minister of Jammu & Kashmir by Maharaja Hari Singh and Jawahar Lal Nehru. Sheikh Abdullah had argued that Article 370 should not be placed under temporary provisions of the Constitution. He wanted ‘iron clad autonomy’ for the state, which Centre didn’t comply with.

Provisions of Article 370

• According to this article, except for defence, foreign affairs, finance and communications, Parliament needs the state government’s concurrence for applying all other laws. Thus the state’s residents live under a separate set of laws, including those related to citizenship, ownership of property, and fundamental rights, as compared to other Indians. 

• As a result of this provision, Indian citizens from other states cannot purchase land or property in Jammu & Kashmir.

• Under Article 370, the Centre has no power to declare financial emergency under Article 360 in the state. It can declare emergency in the state only in case of war or external aggression. The Union government can therefore not declare emergency on grounds of internal disturbance or imminent danger unless it is made at the request or with the concurrence of the state government

Can article 370 be revoked?

• Article 370 can be revoked only if a new Constituent Assembly of Kashmir recommends revocation. Since the last Constituent Assembly was dissolved in January 1957 after it completed the task of framing the state’s Constitution, So if the parliament agrees to scrap Article 370, a fresh constituent Assembly will have to be formed.

• The constituent Assembly will consist of the same MLAs elected to the State Assembly. Simply put, the Centre cannot repeal Article 370 without the nod of J&K State

Some very important facts about article 370.

• The article says that the provisions of Article 238, which was comitted from the Constitution in 1956 when Indian states were reorganised, shall not apply to the state of Jammu and Kashmir.

• Dr BR Ambedkar, the principal drafter of the Indian Constitution, had refused to draft Article 370.

• In 1949, the then Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru had directed Kashmiri leader Sheikh Abdullah to consult Ambedkar (then law minister) to prepare the draft of a suitable article to be included in the Constitution.

• Article 370 was eventually drafted by Gopalaswami Ayyangar

• Ayyangar was a minister without portfolio in the first Union Cabinet of India. He was also a former Diwan to Maharajah Hari Singh of Jammu and Kashmir

• Article 370 is drafted in Amendment of the Constitution section, in Part XXI, under Temporary and Transitional Provisions.

• The original draft explained “the Government of the State means the person for the time being recognised by the President as the Maharaja of Jammu and Kashmir acting on the advice of the Council of Ministers for the time being in office under the Maharaja’s Proclamation dated the fifth day of March, 1948.”

• On November 15, 1952, it was changed to “the Government of the State means the person for the time being recognised by the President on the recommendation of the Legislative Assembly of the State as the Sadr-i-Riyasat (now Governor) of Jammu and Kashmir, acting on the advice of the Council of Ministers of the State for the time being in office.”

• Under Article 370 the Indian Parliament cannot increase or reduce the borders of the state.

Acts passed by Indian Parliament have been extended to Jammu & Kashmir over a period of time

• All India Services Act
• Border Security Force Act
• Central Vigilance Commission Acta
• Essential Commodities Act
• Haj Committee Act
• Income Tax Act
• The Central Laws (Extension To Jammu And Kashmir ) Act, 1956
• The Central Laws (Extension To Jammu And Kashmir ) Act, 1968

What is Net Neutrality (इंटरनेट तटस्थता)? [Explained Luicdly in Hindi]

'नेट न्यूट्रैलिटी' का मतलब आख़िर है क्या?

• इंटरनेट पर की जाने वाली फ़ोन कॉल्स के लिए टेलीकॉम कंपनियां अलग कीमत तय करने की कोशिशें कर चुकी हैं. कंपनियां इसके लिए वेब सर्फिंग से ज़्यादा दर पर कीमतें वसूलना चाहती थीं.

• इसके बाद टेलीकॉम सेक्टर की नियामक एजेंसी 'ट्राई' ने आम लोगों से 'नेट न्यूट्रैलिटी' या 'इंटरनेट तटस्थता' पर राय मांगी है.

• देश भर में इस सवाल पर बहस छिड़ी हुई है. ऐसे में इससे संबंधित कुछ बातों को हर इंटरनेट यूजर को समझना चाहिए.

• नेट न्यूट्रैलिटी(इंटरनेट तटस्थता) वो सिद्धांत है जिसके तहत माना जाता है कि इंटरनेट सर्विस प्रदान करने वाली कंपनियां इंटरनेट पर हर तरह के डाटा को एक जैसा दर्जा देंगी.

• इंटरनेट सर्विस देने वाली इन कंपनियों में टेलीकॉम ऑपरेटर्स भी शामिल हैं. इन कंपनियों को अलग अलग डाटा के लिए अलग-अलग कीमतें नहीं लेनी चाहिए.

• चाहे वो डाटा भिन्न वेबसाइटों पर विजिट करने के लिए हो या फिर अन्य सेवाओं के लिए.

• उन्हें किसी सेवा को न तो ब्लॉक करना चाहिए और न ही उसकी स्पीड स्लो करनी चाहिए. ये ठीक वैसा ही है कि सड़क पर हर तरह की ट्रैफिक के साथ एक जैसा बर्ताव किया जाए.

• जैसे कारों से उनके मॉडल या ब्रांड के आधार पर पेट्रोल की अलग-अलग कीमतें या अलग रेट पर रोड टैक्स नहीं वसूले जाते हैं.

नई संकल्पना

• ये विचार उतना ही पुराना है जितना कि इंटरनेट लेकिन 'इंटरनेट तटस्थता' शब्द दस साल पहले चलन में आया.

• सामान्य तौर पर बराबरी या तटस्थता जैसे शब्द तभी ज्यादा इस्तेमाल किए जाते हैं जब किसी ख़ास मुद्दे पर कोई मुश्किल हो. उदाहरण के लिए जब आप 'औरतों के लिए बराबरी की बात' करते हैं.

• इसीलिए ट्रैफिक के संदर्भ में 'सड़क यातायात तटस्थता' जैसे किसी शब्द का इस्तेमाल नहीं किया जाता है क्योंकि सभी तरह के ट्रैफिक के साथ एक जैसा ही बर्ताव किया जाता है.

• लेकिन अगर कंपनियां आपकी गाड़ी के मॉडल के हिसाब से पेट्रोल की अलग-अलग कीमतें वसूलने लगें तो आप किसी दिन इस मुहावरे तक पहुंच सकते हैं

कंपनियां ख़िलाफ़ क्यों?

• सवाल उठता है कि टेलीकॉम कंपनियां इंटरनेट नेटवर्क की तटस्थता के ख़िलाफ़ क्यों हैं?

• वे इस बात से परेशान हैं कि नई तकनीकी ने उनके कारोबार के लिए मुश्किलें खड़ी कर दी हैं. उदाहरण के लिए एसएमएस सेवा को व्हॉट्स ऐप जैसे लगभग मुफ़्त ऐप ने लगभग मार ही डाला है.

• इसलिए वे ऐसी सेवाओं के लिए ज्यादा रेट वसूलने की कोशिश में हैं जो उनके कारोबार और राजस्व को नुकसान पहुंचा रही हैं. हालांकि इंटरनेट सर्फिंग जैसी सेवाएं कम रेट पर ही दी जा रही हैं.

ये अहम क्यों?

• एक सवाल ये भी है कि इंटरनेट तटस्थता आपके लिए महत्वपूर्ण क्यों है? इससे मुकरने का एक मतलब ये भी है कि आपके खर्च बढ़ सकते हैं और विकल्प सीमित हो सकते हैं.

• उदाहरण के लिए स्काइप जैसी इंटरनेट कॉलिंग सुविधा की वजह से मोबाइल कॉलों पर असर पड़ सकता है क्योंकि लंबी दूरी की फ़ोन कॉल्स के लिहाज से वे कहीं अधिक सस्ती हैं.

• ये टेलीकॉम सर्विस देने वाली कंपनियों के राजस्व को नुकसान पहुंचा रहा था. इस नई हक़ीक़त के मुताबिक खुद को ढालने की बजाय कंपनियों ने स्काइप पर किए जाने वाले फ़ोन कॉल्स के लिए डाटा कीमतें बेतहाशा बढ़ा दीं.

• इंटरनेट पर फ़ोन कॉल की क्रांति नहीं होती. लेकिन पिछली दिसंबर में एयरटेल ने कहा कि वह इंटरनेट कॉल के लिए थ्री-जी यूजर से 10 केबी के चार पैसे या दो रुपये प्रति मिनट की दर से शुल्क वसूलेगा. इंटरनेट पर एक मिनट के कॉल में तकरीबन 500 केबी डाटा खर्च होता है.

• इससे उपजी आलोचनाओं की बाढ़ के बाद कंपनी ने बढ़ी दरों को वापस ले लिया और इसके ठीक बाद ट्राई ने इंटरनेट की तटस्थता के सवाल पर एक कंसल्टेशन पेपर जारी कर दिया.

ख़िलाफ़ तर्क

• इंटरनेट की तटस्थता के ख़िलाफ़ क्या तर्क दिए जाते हैं? इंटरनेट की तटस्थता को संभवतः सरकारी कानून की जरूरत होगी.

• एक मजबूत तर्क ये दिया जा रहा है कि सरकार को मुक्त बाज़ार के कामकाज में दखल नहीं देना चाहिए. प्रतिस्पर्धा वाले मुक्त बाज़ार में जो सबसे कम कीमतों पर सबसे अच्छी सेवाएं देगा, उसे जीतना चाहिए.

• हालांकि इस बात के ख़तरे भी हैं कि कंपनियां अपना एकाधिकार बनाए रखने के लिए गठजोड़ कर लें खासकर उन बाज़ारों में जहां प्रतिस्पर्धा कम है, जैसे मोबाइल डाटा का बाज़ार.

• ऑपरेटर्स का दूसरा तर्क ये है कि उन्होंने अपना नेटवर्क खड़ा करने में हज़ारों करोड़ रुपये खर्च किए हैं जबकि व्हॉट्स ऐप जैसी सेवाएं जो मुफ़्त में वॉइस कॉल की सर्विस देकर उनके उन्हीं नेटवर्क्स का मुफ़्त में फ़ायदा उठा रही हैं. इससे टेलीकॉम कंपनियों के कारोबार को नुकसान पहुंच रहा है.

अब आगे क्या?

• ट्राई ने स्काइप, वाइबर, व्हॉट्स ऐप, स्नैपचैट, फ़ेसबुक मैसेंजर जैसी सेवाओं के नियमन से जुड़े 20 सवालों पर भी जनता से फीडबैक मांगा है.

• इनमें से एक सवाल ये भी है कि क्या इस तरह की कॉलिंग सर्विस देने वाली कंपनियों को टेलीकॉम ऑपरेटर के नेटवर्क के इस्तेमाल के लिए अतिरिक्त कीमत चुकानी चाहिए?

• यह कीमत यूज़र की ओर से दिए गए डाटा शुल्क के अतिरिक्त होगी.

इसके बगैर क्या?

• इंटरनेट तटस्थता को लागू नहीं किया गया तो क्या होगा?

• अगर ऐसा होता है तो ऑपरेटर इंटरनेट कॉलिंग सर्विस की एवज में डाटा कीमतों के अलावा इसके लिए ज्यादा पैसे वसूल सकते हैं. या फिर इन सेवाओं के लिए अलग से डाटा कीमतें तय की जा सकती हैं.

• वे कुछ सेवाओं को ब्लॉक कर सकते हैं या उनकी स्पीड को सुस्त कर सकते हैं ताकि यूजर के लिए इनका इस्तेमाल मुश्किल हो जाए.

• उदाहरण के लिए व्हॉट्स ऐप की डाटा स्पीड को धीमा करके या फिर इसे महंगा करके यूज़र के लिए इसकी कॉलिंग सर्विस का मजा किरकिरा किया जा सकता है.

उपभोक्ता की आवाज़

• क्या होगा अगर ट्राई इंटरनेट तटस्थता को लागू करती है?

• अगर व्हॉट्स ऐप या स्काइप या फ़ेसबुक मैसेंजर जैसे खिलाड़ियों के लिए अतिरिक्त चार्ज को ट्राई इजाज़त देती है तो आप अपनी सेवाओं में थोड़ा बदलाव देखेंगे.

• फ़ेसबुक या गूगल से करार करने वाले ऑपरेटर्स की स्पेशल पेशकशें वापस ली जा सकती हैं. जैसे रिलायंस के नेटवर्क पर फ़ेसबुक जैसी कुछ वेबसाइट फ्री में उपलब्ध हैं.

• या फिर ये भी हो सकता है कि टेलीकॉम कंपनियां अपने घाटे की भरपाई के लिए डाटा टैरिफ़ में इज़ाफ़ा कर दें.

• कुछ लोगों का कहना है कि ट्राई का कदम इंडस्ट्री के लिए सहानुभूति की ओर इशारा करता है.

• ऐसे लोगों को फ़िक्र है कि ट्राई को उपभोक्ताओं के बनिस्बत इंडस्ट्री की आवाज़ ज्यादा जोर से सुनाई देगी. यानी इंटरनेट तटस्थता के बरक़रार रहने की कम ही उम्मीद है.

Courtesy: Sumit Singh